Smedley Butler

From: Subject: Smedley Butler Date: Sun, 24 Jul 2005 17:15:33 -0500 MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/related; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_001F_01C59073.4D061450"; type="text/html" X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2800.1506 This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_001F_01C59073.4D061450 Content-Type: text/html; charset="Windows-1252" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Location: http://home.iprimus.com.au/korob/fdtcards/Butler.html Smedley Butler U.S. Marine Corps Major General = Smedley=20 Butler

I have decided to include the following article on = this site in=20 case the original link goes AWOL.

An American Coup=20 d'=C9tat?
by Clayton E.=20 Cramer
History Today, November 1995
Some Americans regard our country as = superior to=20 other nations because we don't change governments by coup d'=E9tat = - and we=20 never have. Perhaps because of our long tradition of power = changing hands=20 by election, we regard our nation as immune to the use of force = for=20 political purposes. True, assassins have killed four of our = Presidents,=20 but these deaths did not lead to turmoil and chaos; the government = followed well-established procedures for transferring control to = the men=20 previously elected Vice President. Unlike other nations where=20 assassination often leads to civil war, the United States has = avoided=20 this.
How different is America from nations where political power = comes quite=20 directly "from the barrel of a gun"? A curious footnote to = American=20 history suggests that, except for the personal integrity of a = remarkable=20 American general, a coup d'=E9tat intended to remove President = Franklin D.=20 Roosevelt from office in 1934 might have plunged America into = civil war.
The General
This remarkable man was Smedley Darlington Butler, retired U.S. = Marine=20 Corps Major General. Butler is the sort of person for whom the = word=20 "colorful" is woefully inadequate. Butler won America's highest = military=20 award for bravery (the Congressional Medal of Honor) twice. His = style of=20 warfare was unusual not only for his personal courage, but for the = energy=20 he put into avoiding bloodshed when it was possible to achieve his = aims in=20 other ways. Not surprisingly, this engendered a remarkable loyalty = among=20 the men who served under him - and that loyalty was why certain = men asked=20 Butler to lead a military attack on Washington, D.C., with the = goal of=20 capturing President Roosevelt.
Butler was more than a remarkable soldier. He served as police=20 commissioner of Philadelphia during 1924-25 (on loan from the = Marines), in=20 an attempt to enforce Prohibition. While the effort was a failure, = his=20 insistence on enforcing the law against wealthy partygoers as well = as poor=20 immigrants established his reputation as a man of high integrity. = He was=20 not universally loved, but he was widely respected.
Butler is best remembered today for his oft-quoted statement in = the=20 socialist newspaper Common Sense in 1935:=20
I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for=20 American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a = decent=20 place for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I = helped=20 in the raping of half a dozen Central American republics for the = benefit=20 of Wall Street. The record of racketeering is long. I helped = purify=20 Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers = in=20 1909-12. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American = sugar=20 interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras "right" for American = fruit=20 companies in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that = Standard Oil=20 went its way unmolested.... Looking back on it, I felt I might = have=20 given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was to operate = his=20 racket in three city districts. We Marines operated on three=20 continents.
In War Is A Racket, Butler argued = for a=20 powerful navy, but one prohibited from traveling more than 200 = miles from=20 the U.S. coastline. Military aircraft could travel no more than = 500 miles=20 from the U.S. coast, and the army would be prohibited from leaving = the=20 United States. Butler also proposed that all workers in defense=20 industries, from the lowest laborer to the highest executive, be = limited=20 to "$30 a month, the same wage as the lads in the trenches get." = He also=20 proposed that a declaration of war should be passed by a = plebiscite in=20 which only those subject to conscription would be eligible to = vote.
From 1935 through 1937, Butler was a spokesman for the League = Against=20 War and Fascism, a Communist-dominated organization of the time. = He also=20 participated in the Third U.S. Congress Against War and Fascism, = sharing=20 the platform with well-known leftists of the era, including = Langston=20 Hughes, Heywood Broun, and Roger Baldwin. When the Spanish Civil = War=20 (1936-39) threatened the collapse of the Soviet-supported Spanish=20 government, the League's pacifism evaporated, and they supported=20 intervention. Butler, however, remained true to his belief in=20 non-interventionism: "What the hell is it our business what's = going on in=20 Spain?" But before Butler became involved in these causes, he had = already=20 exposed a fascist plot against his own government.
The Plot
Butler had friends in the press and Congress, so he could not = be=20 ignored when he came forward in late 1934 with a tale of = conspiracy=20 against President Roosevelt, in which he had been asked to take a = leading=20 role. At first glance, Butler seems an unlikely candidate for such = a=20 position. While Butler was a Republican, in 1932 he campaigned for = Roosevelt, calling himself a "Republican-for-Ex-President Hoover." = (Butler=20 had a poor relationship with Hoover going back to their time = together=20 during the Boxer Rebellion.)
But there were good reasons why someone seeking to overthrow = the U.S.=20 government would have wanted Butler involved. Butler was a = powerful symbol=20 to many American soldiers and veterans - an enlisted man's = general, one=20 that spoke out for their interests while on active duty, and after = retirement. Butler would have attracted men to his cause that = would not=20 otherwise have participated in a march on Washington.
Butler would have been a good choice also because of his = military=20 skills. His personal courage and tactical skill would have made = him a=20 powerful commander of an irregular army. Finally, his ties of = friendship=20 to many officers still on active duty might have undermined = military=20 opposition to his force, as friends and colleagues sought to avoid = a=20 direct confrontation with him.
Another reason that the plotters might have approached such an = unlikely=20 candidate was that Butler was not regarded as a great intellect. = After=20 World War I, the Marine Corps had began to emphasize a new=20 college-educated professionalism. Butler, one of the less educated = "bushwhacer" generals, might have seemed easy to manipulate.
Butler testified that bond trader Gerald MacGuire had = approached him in=20 the summer of 1933. MacGuire claimed to represent wealthy Wall = Street=20 broker Grayson Murphy, Singer sewing machine heir Robert Sterling = Clark,=20 and other unnamed men of wealth. They asked Butler to speak = publicly on=20 behalf of the gold standard, recently abandoned by President = Roosevelt.=20 MacGuire's rationale for why Butler should ally himself with the = gold=20 standard cause was that the veterans of = World War=20 I were due a bonus in 1945. As MacGuire told Butler, "We want = to see=20 the soldiers' bonus paid in gold. We do not want the soldier to = have=20 rubber money or paper money."
It appears that the plotters underestimated Butler's = intelligence and=20 character. When this explanation failed to persuade Butler, = MacGuire and=20 Clark offered him money, abandoning any pretense of = civic-mindness.=20 Butler's sense of honor prevented him from speaking in favor of = any policy=20 for mercenary reasons.
MacGuire eventually told Butler their real goal. MacGuire asked = Butler=20 to lead an army of 500,000 veterans in a march on Washington, D.C. = The=20 stated mission was to protect Roosevelt from other plotters, and = install a=20 "secretary of general welfare" to "take all the worries and = details off of=20 his shoulders." But Butler saw through their supposed concern for=20 Roosevelt. He testified before Congress that he told MacGuire:=20
[M]y interest is, my one hobby is, maintaining a = democracy.=20 If you get these 500,000 soldiers advocating anything smelling = of=20 Fascism, I am going to get 500,000 more and lick the hell out of = you,=20 and we will have a real war right at home.
Yes; and then you will put somebody in there you can run; is = that the=20 idea? The President will go around and christen babies and = dedicate=20 bridges, and kiss children. Mr. Roosevelt will never agree to = that=20 himself.
Butler eventually deduced that the real = goal was=20 a coup d'=E9tat to take Roosevelt captive, and force reinstatement = of the=20 gold standard, the loss of which many wealthy Americans feared = would lead=20 to rapid inflation. The plotters would keep Roosevelt as a = figurehead=20 until he could be "encouraged" to retire.
That MacGuire had significant financial backing behind him = seems clear,=20 considering the substantial bank savings books he showed to = Butler. What=20 remains unclear is whether the names MacGuire dropped (other than = Robert=20 Sterling Clark) were really involved, or whether MacGuire was a = con man.
MacGuire's claims and financial resources alone did not = convince Butler=20 that such a conspiracy actually existed. The fulfillment of a = series of=20 startling predictions by MacGuire did finally persuade Butler that = there=20 was more than just hot air involved. MacGuire knew in advance of=20 significant personnel changes in the White House. He correctly = predicted=20 the formation of the American Liberty League (the major = conservative=20 opposition to Roosevelt), and the principal players in it. = Especially=20 disturbing was that many of the supposed backers of the plot were = also=20 members of the League. MacGuire's claim that the League = ("villagers in the=20 opera" of the scheme, in MacGuire's words) was part of the plot = could not=20 be easily dismissed.
The American Liberty League was a successor to the highly = successful=20 Association Against the Prohibition Amendment, the lobbying = organization=20 responsible for the repeal of the "Noble Experiment." From its = formation=20 in 1918 until 1926, the AAPA made little progress, at least partly = because=20 it had little money. But in 1926, money poured into the AAPA from = some of=20 America's wealthiest men, including Pierre, Irenee, and Lammot du = Pont,=20 John J. Raskob, and Charles H. Sabin. The AAPA spent its new found = wealth=20 on distribution of literature, and on the formation of a = bewildering=20 number of associated organizations. These associated organizations = gave=20 the impression of a grassroots movement, rather than a collection = of=20 millionaires feeding press releases to friendly newspapers. The = AAPA also=20 rapidly took control of the Democratic Party, with one of their=20 supporters, Al Smith, receiving the 1928 Democratic Presidential=20 nomination. While AAPA had powerful friends within the Republican = Party,=20 they never achieved control of it.
The AAPA's motivations were a mixture of idealism and = pragmatism. The=20 stated concern was that Prohibition had done serious damage to the = principle of federalism - that the federal government's authority = did not=20 include the police powers used to enforce Prohibition. But it = appears that=20 this was not the only motivation, or even the reason most = important to the=20 men who funded the AAPA. Like many other Americans, these business = leaders=20 "found themselves unable to gratify what seemed a natural, more or = less=20 innocent, desire without breaking a law" (i.e., the consumption of = alcoholic beverages). To suddenly find themselves among the = criminal=20 classes was not pleasant to a group who had always thought of = themselves=20 as law-abiding and respectable members of American society. There = is also=20 strong evidence that the backers of the AAPA saw Repeal as a = method of=20 reducing income and corporate taxes, by taxing alcoholic beverages = instead.
The AAPA went out of business at the end of 1933, with the end = of=20 Prohibition. But within a year, from the same offices, with most = of the=20 same backers, many of the same employees, and much of the same = style, it=20 reappeared as the American Liberty League. Throughout the next six = years,=20 it led the fight against the New Deal, arguing that much of = Roosevelt's=20 program was contrary to the letter and spirit of the Constitution. = In an=20 age when Hitler and Mussolini had commandeered extraordinary = economic=20 powers, the fears that the American Liberty League expressed about = Roosevelt's vaguely similar gathering of economic power could not = be=20 summarily dismissed.
The League, in spite of its impressive resources, was rapidly = made to=20 appear "ridiculous or dangerous" or both by the Roosevelt = Administration.=20 Most importantly, the leadership of the League was largely rich = men. The=20 Depression-era gap between rich and poor had become too wide, too = obvious,=20 and too painful for the League to be credible to the majority of=20 Americans. Butler's testimony before Congress claimed that some of = the=20 people associated with the League were the very ones that had = approached=20 him - including Grayson Murphy, the League's treasurer.
In the depths of the Great Depression, in that nadir of despair = before=20 Roosevelt gave his stirring first inaugural address in 1933, = America was=20 awash in political groups identifying in greater or lesser degrees = with=20 communism or fascism. Rep. Samuel Dickstein (D-NY), concerned = about the=20 threat of such groups, persuaded the House of Representatives to = create=20 the Special Committee to Investigate Nazi Propaganda Activities in = the=20 United States. This committee investigated Butler's charges in = late 1934.
MacGuire, not surprisingly, denied that such a plot existed. = Instead,=20 he claimed his activities had been political lobbying to preserve = the gold=20 standard, but he quickly destroyed his credibility as a witness by = giving=20 contradictory testimony. While the final report agreed with Butler = that=20 there was evidence of a coup d'=E9tat plot against Roosevelt, no = further=20 action was taken on it. The Committee's authority to subpoena = witnesses=20 expired at the end of 1934, and the Justice Department started no = criminal=20 investigation.
Part of the reason for the lack of prosecution of the alleged = plotters=20 may have been the untimely death of the only man who could have = testified=20 against the rest: Gerald MacGuire. He died at age 37 from = complications of=20 pneumonia, less than a month after the Committee released its = report.=20 MacGuire's physician claimed that his death was partly the result = of the=20 stress of the charges made by Butler, but there is no reason to = assume=20 that MacGuire's death was in any way suspicious.
The Committee's report excluded many of the most embarrassing = names=20 given by MacGuire, and repeated by Butler. MacGuire had claimed = that 1928=20 Democratic President candidate Al Smith, General Hugh Johnson = (head of=20 Roosevelt's National Recovery Administration), General Douglas = MacArthur,=20 and a number of other generals and admirals were privy to the = plot. Since=20 Butler had no evidence of their involvement, other than MacGuire's = claims,=20 it was certainly reasonable for the Committee to exclude these = details=20 from the final report as "certain immaterial and incompetent = evidence."=20 But in conjunction with MacGuire's apparent advance knowledge of = the=20 details of internal White House staff activities, it certainly = suggests=20 that if a coup was planned, it had significant support within the=20 Roosevelt Administration.
The News Media Downplays The Plot
The news media gave an inappropriately small amount of = attention to the=20 report. Time magazine ridiculed Butler's claims. The week = following=20 Butler's testimony, Time described it as a "Plot Without = Plotters,"=20 simply because the alleged plotters claimed innocence. But Time = admitted that Veterans of Foreign Wars commander James Van = Zandt=20 confirmed that he, too, had been approached to lead such a march = on=20 Washington.
The leftist magazine New Masses carried an article by = John=20 Spivak that included wild claims of "Jewish financiers working = with=20 fascist groups." Spivak's article spun an elaborate web involving = the=20 American Jewish Congress, the Warburg family, "which originally = financed=20 Hitler," the Hearst newspaper chain, the Morgan banking firm, the = du=20 Ponts, a truly impressive list of prominent American Jewish = businessmen,=20 and Nazi spies! Spivak's article raised some disturbing and = legitimate=20 questions about why much of Butler's testimony was left out of the = final=20 committee report. But these important concerns were seriously = undermined=20 by Spivak's paranoid ravings. The left-of-center magazines = Nation=20 and New Republic were unconcerned about it, since in = their view=20 "fascism originated in pseudoradical mass movements," and = therefore could=20 not come from a wealthy cabal.
Newspaper descriptions of the final report are also astonishing = for how=20 lightly most treated it. A New York Times article about = subversion=20 and foreign agitators started on the front page, but gave only two = paragraphs to the coup plot inside the paper. "It also alleged = that=20 definite proof has been found that the much publicized Fascist = march on=20 Washington... was actually contemplated." It was not a major = story.
The San Francisco Chronicle took the story more = seriously. The=20 only headline with a larger type size that day concerned the = recent fatal=20 crash of the airship Macon. The Chronicle carried an = Associated=20 Press story headlined, "Justice Aids Probe Butler Fascist Story." = The=20 first five paragraphs were devoted to Butler's allegations. The=20 Chronicle quoted the Committee report that it "was able to = verify=20 all the pertinent statements by General Butler, with the exception = of the=20 direct statement suggesting creation of the organization."
A third newspaper sampled showed an even more astonishing lack = of=20 interest than the New York Times: the Sacramento Bee = used a=20 substantially different Associated Press wire story that = emphasized=20 propaganda efforts by foreign agents. Another AP wire story, at = the bottom=20 of page five, described Butler's allegations, taking the = Committee's=20 report at face value. This wire story includes the comforting = knowledge=20 that the committee found "no evidence to show a connection between = this=20 effort" and any foreign government.
An apparently serious effort to overthrow the government, = perhaps with=20 the support of some of America's wealthiest men, largely = substantiated by=20 a Congressional committee, was mostly ignored. Why? Roosevelt's = Secretary=20 of the Interior, Harold Ickes, wrote a book in 1939 about the=20 concentration of American journalism. He claimed that, "In 1934, = 82 per=20 cent of all dailies had a complete monopoly in their communities." = Newspaper chains, in Ickes' view, "control a dangerously large = share of=20 the national daily circulation and in many cities have no = competition."
Ickes' book was largely devoted to proving that the major = newspapers of=20 the United States were intentionally distorting the news, and in = some=20 cases, directly lying. Ickes argued that newspaper editors did so = in the=20 interests of both their advertisers and in defense of the = capitalist=20 class. Ickes mentioned the Liberty League as one of the = "propaganda=20 outfits" who were allied with the major newspapers. Indeed,the = New York=20 Times, one of the papers that had downplayed the Committee's = report,=20 had editorialized in favor of the Liberty League's formation.
Did newspapers and magazines onsciously play down the plot, = because it=20 represented an embarrassment to people of influence? Or did = editors simply=20 give it low visibility because they regarded it as an absurd = story?
We must consider another disturbing possibility. Butler was = associated=20 with the loose alliance of progressive and populist forces that = were=20 dragging Roosevelt towards the left. It is easy to forget that for = much of=20 Roosevelt's first term as President from 1932-36, he was the rope = in a tug=20 of war between conservative and progressive forces in America. The = popularity of men such as Senator Huey Long (D-Louisiana) and the=20 nationally known radio priest Father Coughlin - and the need to=20 short-circuit their rising political power - appears to have = caused=20 Roosevelt's increasingly leftward movement in 1935-36.
Is it possible that Butler concocted this story as a way of = creating=20 animosity towards conservatives by Roosevelt? If Butler had lied = to the=20 Committee, and no such conspiracy was ever planned, why did = MacGuire=20 apparently perjure himself before the Committee? Or, = alternatively, could=20 leftward leaning members of the Roosevelt Administration have = manipulated=20 Butler into believing that such a plot actually existed as a way = of=20 creating animosity towards conservatives, thus dragging Roosevelt = to the=20 left? Either theory could explain why MacGuire, Murphy, Clark, or = the=20 other supposed plotters were never prosecuted.
Yet another possibility (though less likely) is that there was = no=20 prosecution because Roosevelt's own advisors had taken part in the = plot,=20 as MacGuire claimed. A criminal prosecution would have washed the=20 Roosevelt Administration's dirty laundry in public.
Why Is The Plot So Poorly Known?
Butler's account of the MacGuire plot was a very serious = accusation. If=20 MacGuire had told Butler the truth, a large number of wealthy men = had made=20 serious plans to overthrow representative government in the United = States=20 - though their concern that Roosevelt was creating a government in = the=20 style of Mussolini or Hitler, might provide some legitimate reason = for=20 their actions. Why doesn't this plot appear in history books? That = conservatives might discount the plot is not unexpected; that = liberals=20 have tended to ignore the plot is a little more surprising.
It is hard to imagine how different American politics was in = the 1930s.=20 The collapse of the world economy had shaken the faith of many = Americans=20 in individualism and free market capitalism. Many traditionalists, = here=20 and in Europe, toyed with the ideas of Fascism and National = Socialism;=20 many liberals dallied with Socialism and Communism. Prominent = populists=20 such as Huey Long and Father Coughlin sided with progressives in = support=20 of isolationism, redistribution of wealth, and a federal = government that=20 would play a more active role in the American economy.
In hindsight, the moral and economic deficiencies of these = various=20 collectivized systems are now clear. In 1934, however, people of = good will=20 persuaded themselves that Hitler, Mussolini, and Stalin were doing = good,=20 and ignored the great evils that were already underway. To turn = over the=20 rock exposing MacGuire's plot raises unpleasant questions about = the=20 political sensibilities of both right and left in 1930s America.
How Secure Are The Institutions of Legal Government In = America?
How secure, indeed? It would be tempting to write off this = entire=20 matter as a group of con men separating wealthy conservatives from = their=20 money by pretending to hatch a plot against the Roosevelt = Administration.=20 But there are too many disturbing pieces of evidence in this tale = that=20 suggest that the Zeitgeist of the 1930s was not limited to Europe.
If MacGuire's claims to Butler were true, some U.S. military = commanders=20 were prepared to stand aside while 500,000 veterans marched on = Washington=20 and took Roosevelt captive. (Between the World Wars, the United = States=20 Army was so small that 500,000 veterans might have given them a = serious=20 fight - even if every officer remained loyal to Roosevelt.)
But unlike many European countries, American government was = highly=20 decentralized in 1934, and this would have worked against any = serious=20 military action against the legitimate government. Every state = governor=20 had control of state militia units, armed with out of date, but = still=20 serviceable military weapons.
In addition to the regularly organized state militias, the = population=20 of the United States, then as now, was heavily armed with the sort = of=20 weapons well suited to military operations. Whatever the = advantages of the=20 plotters' army of 500,000 veterans, they would have been far = outnumbered=20 by the unorganized militia of the United States - then as now, = consisting=20 of every U.S. citizen between 18 and 45, and legally obligated by = state=20 laws to fight at the order of the governor in the event of = insurrection,=20 invasion, or war.
But in a nation that was suffering from the ravages of the = Great=20 Depression, another model exists for what might have happened: the = Spanish=20 Civil War. The divisions over religion in America were not as = dramatic as=20 those that ripped apart Spanish society. But many Americans were = beginning=20 to lose their faith in American institutions - as evidenced by the = growth=20 of American Nazi and Communist movements during the 1930s. It is=20 frightening to think of what might have happened if a general as = capable=20 as Butler had become the man on a white horse.
In the words of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black, = delivered at New=20 York University in 1960 concerning the protections of the U.S. = Bill of=20 Rights:=20
I cannot agree with those who think of the Bill of = Rights as=20 an 18th century straitjacket, unsuited for this age. The evils = it guards=20 against are not only old, they are with us now, they exist = today.
Experience all over the world has demonstrated, I fear, that = the=20 distance between stable, orderly government and one that has = been taken=20 over by force is not so great as we have = assumed.
Indeed,=20 the plot that Butler exposed - if what MacGuire claimed was true - = is a=20 sobering reminder to Americans. We were not immune to the = sentiments that=20 gave rise to totalitarian governments throughout the world in the = 1930s.=20 We make a serious mistake when we assume, "It can't happen = here!"
Clayton E. Cramer is a = software engineer=20 with a Northern California manufacturer of telecommunications = equipment.=20 His first book, By The Dim And Flaring Lamps: The Civil War = Diary of=20 Samuel McIlvaine, was published by Library Research Associates = (Monroe, NY) in 1990. Mr. Cramer's second book, For The Defense = of=20 Themselves And The State: The Original Intent and Judicial = Interpretation=20 of the Right To Keep And Bear Arms was published by Praeger = Publishers=20 (Westport, Conn.) in 1994. Mr. Cramer recently completed his B.A. = in=20 History at Sonoma State University.
Bibliography
Archer, Jules, The Plot To Seize The White = House,=20 (New York: Hawthorn Books, 1973).
Brinkley, Alan, Voices of Protest, (New York: Alfred A. = Knopf,=20 Inc., 1982).
Butler, Smedley D., War Is A Racket, (New York: Round = Table=20 Press, 1935).
Cahn, Edmond, The Great Rights, (New York: Macmillan = Co., 1963).
Ickes, Harold L., America's House of Lords: An Inquiry into = the=20 Freedom of the Press, (Rahway, N.J.: Harcourt, Brace & = Co., 1939).
New York Times, February 16, 1935; March 26, 1935.
Schmidt, Hans, Maverick Marine, (Lexington, Ky.: = University=20 Press of Kentucky, 1987).
Sevareid, Eric, Not So Wild A Dream, (New York: Alfred = A. Knopf,=20 1946).
Spivak, John L., "Wall Street's Fascist Conspiracy", New = Masses,=20 January 29, 1935, 9-15; February 5, 1935, (page numbers missing on = the=20 microfilm)..
Sacramento Bee, February 15, 1935.
San Francisco Chronicle, February 16, 1935.
Time, 24:23 [December 3, 1934].
U.S. House of Representatives, Special Committee on = Un-American=20 Activities, Investigation of Nazi Propaganda Activities and = Investigation=20 of Certain Other Propaganda Activities, Hearings 73-D.C.-6, = Part 1,=20 73rd Cong., 2nd sess., (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing = Office,=20 1935).
U.S. House of Representatives, Special Committee on = Un-American=20 Activities, Public Statement, 73rd Cong., 2nd sess., = (Washington,=20 D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1934).
Wolfskill, George, The Revolt of the Conservatives: A = History of the=20 American Liberty League, 1934-1940, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin = Co.,=20 1962).

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